CHAPTER ONE
THE COLONY – BRITISH GUIANA
April 20, 2024.
Opening the door, I stepped into the office. A lingering
scent of Valentine's Day roses filled the air—a reminder that the cleaners had
been thorough the night before. As always, they had done a splendid job. The
cherry-colored wooden desk gleamed under the soft morning light, its polished
surface reflecting a quiet elegance.
Atop the desk sat a telephone, a notepad, and a brass
nameplate that read:
Mohabir Persaud, President.
Below, in bold engraving: SEIGNET PRECISION—a gift from my employees,
years ago.
In the corner, the Lenovo computer waited in its usual
place, silent and expectant.
I placed my A&W cup of tea onto a coaster—orange pekoe,
the tea bag dipping in and out, barely staining the hot water. Just colored
liquid, a morning ritual.
Flipping open the laptop, I went through the routine:
Click. Google.
Type: YouTube.
A cluster of videos appeared. One stood out as if waiting
for me:
Dr. David Hinds – Politics 101: "African Guyanese
Are People Too"
Panelists: Olive Sampson, Nigel Hughes, V. Alexander.
I clicked.
Immediately, the rhythmic pulse of calypso filled the room.
I listened, letting the music carry me, waiting for the lyrics to unfold the
story in melody.
Then, images flashed across the screen—figures of
resilience, defiance, and history:
Maya Angelou. Barack Obama. Miriam Makeba. Walter Rodney.
Eusi Kwayana. Dr. David Hinds. Martin Luther King Jr. Bob Marley. Malcolm X.
Serena Williams. L.F.S. Burnham. Michelle Obama. Nelson Mandela. Dr. Letitia
Wright.
Legends who had shaped history, each a testament to
perseverance. They sought acceptance, not isolation; unity, not division. Their
achievements were undeniable.
The discussion deepened. The panelists spoke of a forum in Geneva,
Switzerland—part of the International Decade for People of African
Descent (2015–2024).
Then, a phrase surfaced—one that sent a pang through my
chest:
"Coolie Greed."
A brand, a label—one meant to divide.
The moderator, measured but firm, kept circling back to
another word: "Gripe." A reference to a letter published in
the Guyana Current Newspaper.
And then, a statement that struck me:
"Guyana’s history did not begin in 1838."
I leaned forward.
British Guiana—its past had always been filtered through the
lens of the planter class and the Victorian values of the Empire. After the
First World War, British Guianese soldiers returned home with dreams of a
reformed society, only to find the colony still firmly in the grip of its old
hierarchy.
By the 1920s, Georgetown had evolved—its streets bustling
with a mix of Negroes, Mulattos, Creoles, Europeans, Portuguese, and the
rising population of Indentured Indians, many still bound to the sugar
plantations.
Ivan Van Sertima, in his work, describes their
presence in the city—Coolies, once scavengers, peddlers of fresh cow’s milk,
eking out survival in a land that offered little beyond toil.
Yet, even in this rigid colonial world, a movement stirred.
A class of educated Creoles had emerged—charismatic, articulate, and
bold enough to engage the British government on the question of self-rule. A
vision of modern governance began to take shape.
But then came the war.
And with it, the postponement of every dream.
By the time the Second World War ended, British Guiana was
no longer a forgotten outpost. Second only to Jamaica in importance
among Britain’s Caribbean holdings, the colony had grown rich—its wealth
extracted through sugar, bauxite, rice, timber, and minerals, filling
the pockets of British investors.
Then came the 1950s—an era of transition.
Affluence touched some. American influence crept in—shaping music,
film, politics, and everyday life. A new identity was forming, shaped by
forces far beyond our borders.
And in my novel, "In Our Past," I sought to
capture it all.
The plantations of cotton, cocoa, coffee, and sugar carved
out of the Wild Coast by the first European settlers gradually transformed into
villages after the emancipation of Negro slaves in 1834. The emancipated
citizens, determined to forge a future of their own, swiftly organized the
affairs of their purchased lands—derelict plantations that they painstakingly
revived. Sections were allotted for housing at the village fronts, while the
backlands—later known as the backdam—were dedicated to farming. Each village
appointed a manager from among its own, a leader who enforced ordinances
drafted by the village elders. This was the genesis of the village council
system. For decades, the enslaved had observed the methods of management
implemented by the Baccras, and now, in freedom, they applied those lessons to
their own governance.
Emancipation forever changed the colony, altering its social
structure. No longer was it a land divided into plantation owners, native
people, slaves, a few freed Negroes, Mulattoes, Creoles, and indentured white
servants, each indifferent to the other. Instead, under Colonial Law, it was
now a British colony of subjects—though status and class distinctions remained,
and fairness was still elusive. The plantation owners retained their grip on
the government, but the colony pressed forward, driven by infrastructure
projects that gradually transformed it into a well-connected and structured
society.
As the colony evolved over two generations, British Guiana
was no longer an isolated settlement on the South American continent. Though
under British rule, its cultural influences leaned heavily toward America. By
1950, the colony boasted an efficient railroad system stretching from
Vreed-en-Hoop to Parika. The capital, Georgetown, became known as the garden
city, with its magnificent wooden structures and avenues lined with towering
trees, their twisting branches forming serpentine patterns against the sky. The
rivers teemed with well-established ferry services, the roads hummed with
reliable bus services, and law and order were upheld by a respectful colonial
police force.
Traveling by train from Georgetown to Rosignol was more than
a journey—it was an excursion, an adventure, a rhythm of life. The fifties were
a golden era; the world seemed at peace, and British Guiana was no exception. A
melting pot of cultures, its people were entertained by the sounds of American
and English music, the songs of Hindi cinema, the wit of West Indian calypso,
and the soulful resonance of steel pan. Cricket, the grand pastime, brought
communities together every Sunday.
Rosignol, a village of mixed heritage, was a thrilling place
to experience teenage years. Everything was a bundle of joy, even the simple
act of trying to outrun the 11:00 a.m. train as it slowed to a halt at the
station. The railway track paralleled the Atlantic Coast, winding through
established villages and lush backdam farms abundant with banana, ochro,
plantain, and cassava. The steam engine, hitched to its carriages, roared
forward, trailing thick black smoke and the familiar scent of coal, steam, and
wood.
The train’s conductor, an authoritative figure, walked
through the first and third-class carriages, meticulously clipping tickets. He
was a man of discipline, dressed in a starched khaki uniform, his hard khaki
hat reminiscent of colonial officers. He carried himself with the weight of his
responsibility, ensuring the journey remained smooth and orderly.
The railway system was a feat of colonial engineering—the
first on the South American continent—operating under the Transport &
Harbors Department. Most employees were Negroes, the backbone of a free labor
force. The train was punctual, clean, and a source of immense pride for the men
and women who kept it running. The tracks were laid in phases: from Georgetown
to Plaisance in 1848, extended to Belfield in 1854, then to Mahaica in 1864. By
1900, the railway linked the Demerara and Berbice Rivers, binding the scattered
settlements into a unified colony.
As the train journeyed on, station masters at each stop
signaled its arrival with red and green flags, while eager vendors swarmed the
platforms, their voices rising above the steam and clatter of wheels. Mahaica
Station was the busiest hub, a place where train arrivals sparked a frenzy of
commerce. Vendors wove through the crowd, thrusting mangoes, star apples, and
sapodillas through open windows, their rhythmic cries of "Cheap!
Cheap!" blending with the hum of excitement.
Amidst the bustling marketplace, a tall Negro woman glided
gracefully down the platform, her voice a melodic chant that cut through the
chaos: “Fish and bread! Get your fish and bread!” Balanced upon her head was a
tray of jill loaves, crisp fried bangamary, and a small bottle of fiery
homemade pepper sauce. With the deft hands of an artisan, she crafted
sandwiches that left an unforgettable taste—six cents for a bite of legend.
Rosignol, the last stop before the ferry across the Berbice
River, was a village both defined by and separate from the rest of the colony.
Once a Dutch plantation, it had no grand structures like Victoria or Buxton,
but it thrived in its uniqueness. Here, Negroes and Indians lived side by side,
bound by respect, sometimes even referring to each other as cousins. The
village had no cross streets, only dams leading toward the sea or the
backlands. Life moved to a different rhythm in Rosignol—not dictated by clocks
but by nature and industry. The first crow of a rooster marked the early
morning, the train’s punctual arrival at 11:00 a.m. announced midday, and the
high-pitched whistle of the Blairmont Sugar Factory signaled the afternoon.
Sundays in Rosignol were sacredly quiet. In the divine glow
of the morning sun, the village seemed touched by the presence of something
holy, as if the Lord Himself hovered in the golden light. Before noon, there
were no games, no loud chatter—only peace. Cricket and other pastimes would
wait until the afternoon, after the sacred hush of the morning hours had
passed.
To the city folk of Georgetown, Rosignol was merely another
stop along the railway. But to those who called it home, it was a world unto
itself—its own small paradise, wrapped in the steady rhythm of the train, the
scent of the river, and the voices of a community bound by time and tradition.
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